CANADA How The Communists Took Control

Sunday, June 12, 2011



Those who follow my posts and blogs will know that I am a proud Canadian. If I have chosen to translate an important document on the infiltration of the Quebec sovereignty movement by communists, written by a fellow Canadian who wrote it plainly as a sovereigntist, it is in part because true patriotism does not exclude an understanding of the patriotism of others. It is also because the well-being of my fellow French Canadians is inextricably linked to the well-being of all of us.

In a culture of freedom, infiltration is the most base treachery. It may rise to treason. The very notion that communists have been able to invade and deform patriotic sentiment in Quebec, or elsewhere in Canada, is an appalling assault upon the right to be a patriot. In honor of freedom, and of true patriots, I dedicate this translation of a report by an author who remains anonymous.

-- Kathleen Moore, Montreal, Canada, 16 June 2011


* The original French title of this piece is « L'Extrême gauche responsable de la déroute du mouvement souverainiste ? » The author is anonymous.


The following document will attempt to demonstrate the influence of the far-left at the heart of the Quebec sovereigntist milieu, and to explain the recent crushing electoral defeat of the Bloc Québécois in favour of Jack Layton’s New Democratic Party.


Gilles DuceppeYouth

Born in 1947, Gilles Duceppe grew up in the Hochelaga-Maisonneuve working-class district of Montreal, in accommodations that his family shared with his two grandparents, an uncle and an aunt. He still lives in the area.

His father, the popular actor, Jean Duceppe, had always been involved in politics and trade unionism. During his studies, Gilles will follow in the steps of his father.

His father, Jean Duceppe

Jean DuceppeJean Duceppe, the father of Gilles Duceppe, is a founding member of the federal New Democratic Party (NDP) led by Jack Layton today.

A popular actor, Jean Duceppe was always involved in politics and trade-unionism. The father, like his son, was exceedingly influenced by the ideology of the far-left, to such a point that he was a founding member of the federal New Democratic Party (NDP) in 1961.3 The NDP is that party farthest to the left on the Canadian political chessboard; we will return to it later.

Political Career

Robert BurnsIn 1970, at the age of 23, Gilles Duceppe becomes a member of the Parti Québécois, where he rises rapidly through the ranks to work as political organizer and secretary to candidate Robert Burns, one of seven Parti Québécois nominees who will be elected in April of 1970.

Robert Burns[a] comes from the left-wing of the Parti Québécois and has worked as a technical adviser to La Confédération des Syndicats Nationaux (CSN) [b]. In 1966, he is promoted to management of legal services for that trade union.

One can therefore understand why Robert Burns should be the one to take Gilles Duceppe under his wing.

En Lutte !In 1973, three years after joining the Parti Québécois, Gilles Duceppe, who is now 26 years of age, allows himself to be tempted by the radical far-left, first within the newspaper En lutte ![c], (literally, Struggle), then in the Marxist-Leninist Communist League, and then again in the Communist Workers’ Party (PCO).

Françoise David also campaigned at the side of Gilles Duceppe within the En lutte! newspaper (see the section on Québec Solidaire[d]).

In the 1980 referendum, Gilles Duceppe, who was 33 years of age at that time, did not vote “Yes”, because to do so was interdicted by the Communist Workers’ Party (PCO).6 When it came to a choice between the far-left and the independence of the Quebec people, we can therefore see which one took precedence with Gilles Duceppe, and this at an age when his choices cannot be attributed to youthful indiscretion.

From 1983 to 1990, Gilles Duceppe became a union adviser and negotiator at the CSN; this was during the same period as Gérald Larose[e] of the Conseil de la Souveraineté du Québec (CSQ) (i.e., the Quebec Sovereignty Council).7 It was even the same union local as Robert Burns, the man for whom Gilles Duceppe had worked at the Parti Québécois when he was 23.8


Very few people know that for a long while there has been cooperation between the Parti Québécois and the far-left; in fact, this goes right back to the PQ's early beginnings. For example, there was a Conference of the Quebec Left in Montreal on the 20th and 21st of November 1981 which reunited not only none other than the CSN union locals (i.e., Robert Burns), the F.T.Q. and La Centrale des Enseignants du Quebec (C.E.Q.) (i.e, the Quebec Teachers’ Union), but also the New Democratic Party (NDP), the Parti Québécois, and the Communist Party of Québec.9

As concerns the C.S.N., from 1983 to 1999, Gérald Larose, who is president of the Conseil de la souveraineté du Québec, had for some time been president of the Confédération des Syndicats Nationaux (CSN).

The links between the sovereigntist milieu and the communist-style far left are still current news because the Communist Party of Québec called upon its sympathisers to massively support the Bloc Québécois during the recent federal elections of May 2nd, 2011:


“The Communist Party of Québec calls for a massive vote for the Bloc Québécois, except in the ridings of Outremont (where the Bloc Québécois has no chance of taking it and where the NDP Member, Thomas Mulcair, deserves to be re-elected); the same goes for the riding of Gatineau-Aylmer where Nicole Turmel, who for many years was a respected union manager, and who, in the last provincial elections had also called for a vote for Québec Solidaire, is also running for the NDP. In these particular federalist ridings, the CPQ would rather call for a vote for the NDP."10

The Communist Party of Québec (CPQ) does publicity for the newspaper Le Québécois, which is run by Patrick Bourgeois.[f] André Parizeau, leader of the Communist Party of Québec[g], was present at the commemoration of the 10th anniversary of the newspaper. There is also a link to the Réseau de Résistance du Québécois (RRQ) at their web site.12

Why establish such ties of cooperation if the sovereigntist organizations have no ideological links with the far-left? Who would wish to run the risk of associating himself with an ideology responsible for millions of deaths across the world unless he has the same ideas and goals?


As mentioned above, Gilles Duceppe’s father, Jean Duceppe, was a founding member of the NDP; so was Philippe Vaillancourt, honorary president of the Fédération des Travailleurs et Travailleuses du Québec (FTQ) in 1956.13

Today, the NDP is a full member of the Socialist International,14 a globalist political association which brings together socialist and communist parties of all stripes. The Socialist International moreover congratulated the NDP and its leader Jack Layton on their performance during the May 2nd, 2011 federal elections.15

A provincial branch of the NDP has already existed in Québec. The NDPQ (New Democratic Party of Québec) was founded in the 1960s as the result of a concerted effort by the Fédération des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec (FTQ), one of the principal workers’ trade union locals in Québec at the time.16

On June 30th, 1963, a provisional organizing committee of the NPDQ was elected, composed of none other than Charles Taylor.17, 18 One and the same Charles Taylor of the Bouchard-Taylor Commission on "reasonable accommodation". Quite a coincidence, no?!

The NDPQ was later merged with the Communist Party of Québec which in turn merged with the Union des Forces Progressiste (UFP) to finally merge with none other than Québec Solidaire.19 Charles Taylor makes no effort to hide it: he had run for the NDP "since the Middle Ages," to borrow his own expression. The Professor wore the NDP’s campaign colors four times in the 1960s. In 1965, he ran for the Liberals, finishing second behind Pierre Elliott Trudeau in the riding of Mount-Royal.20

Without a doubt, politics makes strange bedfellows!

To top it all off, the mysterious NDP constitution is not easily accessible to the public. According to a number of contemporary commentators, journalists and politicians, it is emphatically Marxist-Leninist in inspiration.21, 22, 23, 24


As was said before, Québec Solidaire emerged from a fusion of the New Democratic Party of Quebec and the Communist Party of Quebec.

Amir Khadir, moreover, declared that the rise of the federal NPD was hoped for by a number of "progressive" sovereigntists:


"A strong ascent for the NDP was desired by a number of progressive sovereigntists, including me. But not at the price of sweeping out the Bloc Québécois. Québec Solidaire had moreover called for a vote to support progressive candidates, whether bloquist or new-democrat."25

We are thus not far here from the official position of the Communist Party of Quebec, as cited above.

Does Québec Solidaire have sovereignty at heart, or the promotion of far-left “progressive” ideas?

Also, Françoise David was an activist with the Marxist-Leninist organization, En lutte! from 1977 to 1982.26 The same organization as Gilles Duceppe, and during the same time-frame!

Amir Khadir confirmed his past support for l'Organisation des Moudjahiddines du peuple iranien (OMPI), an Islamic socialist organization devoted to the overthrow of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran.27 He also ran under the banner of the Bloc Québécois in 2000.28 If a politician as far left as Amir Kadhir felt so at ease with the Bloc Québécois, there must be a good (ideological) reason?

A number of the adjutants of Québec Solidaire entertain questionable links with far-left microgroups such as anarchists and communists, certain of which are very active in Quebec community groups and college and university student associations.

One of these is Simon Tremblay-Pépin, seen in the photo below in company of Amir Khadir.

Simon Tremblay-Pépin is a strategy adviser of Québec Solidaire (QS) and presented by Françoise David as a pillar of the party.29


In addition to his involvement with Québec Solidaire (QS), Simon Tremblay-Pépin took his doctorate in political science at York University and his journalism degree at UQAM. He was co-editor-in-chief of the satirical newspaper Le Couac, in charge of the political committee of Québec Solidaire, and student representative on the Board of Directors of UQAM. He was a researcher at the Institut de Recherche et d’Information Socio-économique (IRIS) (i.e., Research and Socio-Economic Information Institute).

His militancy does not end with his involvement in Québec Solidaire; Simon Tremblay- Pépin routinely collaborates with extreme-left microgroups, including:

L’Union communiste Libertaire (UCL)
(“The Libertarian communist Union”)

The UCL has its tentacles into a number of regions in Québec, with chapters mainly in Montréal, Québec, and Saguenay. The UCL disseminates its own magazine, Cause Commune, (i.e., Common Cause) promoting communist and anarchist ideology.30 The following collectives, Le Collectif Emma-Goldman and Voix de Faits, are two groups affiliated with the Union communiste Libertaire (UCL).31

The Voix de Faits collective (UCL-Québec)

On March 18, 2011, Simon Tremblay-Pépin took part in a radio conference organized by the Voix de Faits collective, press arm of the anarchist collective La Nuit, the latter an affiliate of the UCL in Québec City.32

Le Collectif Emma Goldman (UCL-Saguenay)

On 21 October 2010, Simon Tremblay-Pépin acted as a panelist at a conference entitled "Liberal Budget: how to make the government retreat?" organized by Le Collectif Emma-Goldman.33

During the conférence organized by Le Collectif Emma-Goldman, in which Simon Tremblay-Pépin took part with other interlocutors plainly affiliated with groups from the extreme-left, we find a certain Étienne David-Bellemare, President of the Syndicat des Étudiants et Étudiantes syndiqué(e)s de l’Université du Québec à (Chicoutimi SEEE-UQAC), and spokesman for Le Collectif Emma-Goldman, both affiliated with the group UCL-Saguenay.34, 35

In addition to his trade union and communist activities, Étienne David-Bellemare is a research assistant with the Canada Research Chair on Democracy and Sovereignty at the Université du Québec à Chicoutimi. He organized the most recent conference entitled "Secularism and cultural and religious pluralism in Quebec society" which took place from March 29th to 31st, 2011 at UQAC and in which Gérard Bouchard of the Bouchard-Taylor Commission was an invited guest speaker. 36, 37

Étienne David-Bellemare is none other than the son of Françoise David of Québec Solidaire.38 Françoise David had her son Étienne by a first spouse from whom she separated a year after the child's birth.39 It is also interesting to note that Étienne, more radical in his ideas than some of his "comrades in arms," took issue with Patrick Bourgeois, qualifying the latter as a xenophobe promoting primary nationalism.40

As if that were not enough, Simon Tremblay-Pépin and Étienne David-Bellemare are connected in the social network, Facebook:

Ultimately, our research on Simon Tremblay-Pépin led us to discover that he maintains serious links on the social network Facebook with radical groups such as UCL-Québec, UCL-Montréal, Collectif Rebelles (i.e., Rebels Collective), Ya Basta ! (Spanish, roughly meaning "Enough is Enough!"), etcetera. It is impossible to know whether these groups are part of his list of friends, or are merely contacts…

What is Le Collectif Emma-Goldman?41

They define themselves as follows:


"The Emma Goldman anarchist collective is a political organization active in the Saguenay region since 2008. We militate in favour of social combat movements and the emergence of an open and broad libertarian Left. We are affiliated with the Union communiste libertaire (UCL).

The collective seeks to advance the emergence of a radical and incisive fighting Left
. We refuse to be defenceless victims! The flaccidity of the reformists plays the game of the populist right. The era of courtesy is at an end. It is necessary to intensify the criticism of Populism, to assert our rejection of the moral order, of security discourse, of nationalism and militarism. The values of liberty, equality, of sharing and of solidarity must serve as the counterpoise. The status quo is not an option, we should no longer hesitate to act and to be revolutionary and libertarian."

What is the Voix de Faits collective?42

They define themselves like this:


"Voix de faits is the media arm --web and radio-- of the anarchist collective La Nuit (UCL-Québec). Become a fan and follow our Blog with Facebook... [We never cease to forge ahead].

'Voix de faits’ seeks to advance the emergence of a radical and incisive fighting Left. We refuse to be defenceless victims! The flaccidity of the reformists plays the game of the populist right. The era of courtesy is at an end. It is necessary to intensify the criticism of Populism, to assert our rejection of the moral order, of security discourse, of nationalism and militarism. The values of liberty, equality, of sharing and of solidarity must serve as the counterpoise. The status quo is not an option, we should no longer hesitate to be anti-system, révolutionary and libertarian. The libertarian resistance must give itself the means to achieve its ambitions. By implementing a daily political intervention, ‘Voix de faits’ is marching in that direction."

Those are quite the connections for a political party which claims to align itself with the national aspirations of the Québécois! Microgroups that totally reject Nationalism and the Moral Order...

Are we dealing with a single political party that is acting on a number of fronts? In other words, an initial front which consists of allying itself with nationalist movements on the one hand while on the other hand opposing and denouncing the concept of nationalism and its virtues? Are we dealing with a party whose fundamental business is the political infiltration of that to which it is fundamentally opposed?

Finally, Québec Solidaire recently affirmed a wish to marginalize its own "radical left". This is far from being a done deal; worse still, it seems to be part of a strategy of trivialization of their radical wing.43 A number of journalists have come to the same conclusion: Amir Khadir and Françoise David, and their acolytes, are fanatics of the far-left.44, 45, 46, 47


Although not directly involved in the sovereigntist milieux, Gérard Bouchard and Charles Taylor are close to some of the major players directly or indirectly linked to various parties or movements of the far-left.

As said before, Gérard Bouchard co-chaired the Bouchard-Taylor Commission, besides being a professor of sociology at the Université du Québec à Chicoutimi (UQAC), the same University where Étienne David-Bellemare had organized the conference on "Secularism and cultural and religious pluralism in Québéc society" with Gérard Bouchard as a guest speaker.48 This raises serious questions concerning the possible links that may be fostered by these two people in the same establishment.

Is it possible that Étienne David-Bellemare has been taken under the wing of Gérard Bouchard? The question can be seriously posed when one knows that Étienne is the son of such a well known political personality.

As well, it is interesting to note that Gérard Bouchard does not hide his political preference for Québec Solidaire, for during the lecture at McGill University as part of the prestigious "Alan Aylesworth Macnaughton Lecture 2010", he said that throughout the debate on "reasonable accommodation," Québec solidaire was the most "straightfoward" party, thus being the "best behaved" of all Québec's political parties.49

As well, Québec solidaire, through its two spokespersons, approved the full content of the Bouchard-Taylor report the same day of its publication… Could that be just a coincidence?50

And what are we to make of the declaration of Gérard Bouchard to the effect that we must "all together, throw OUR roots onto the next Saint-Jean Baptiste bonfire"?51 It is no secret to anyone that Mr. Bouchard conducted himself like a good "Soviet commissar" during the Commission on reasonable accommodation, dictating to the participants what to say and what to think instead of giving ear to the public's anxiety.52

Moreover, is it possible that Mr. Gérard Bouchard could endorse the militants and ideas of the far-left, notably when we know that the principal organizer of the Symposium comes from such a radical sphere of influence?

Besides, as was said before in the section on the NDP, Charles Taylor was a member of the New Democratic Party of Quebec (NDPQ) and an NDP candidate during the 1960s.53, 54 In fact, Charles Taylor is the political guru of Jack Layton, leader of the NPD.55

During the 2008 federal election campaign, Charles Taylor showed up to support Thomas Mulcair, NDP candidate in the riding of Westmount-Ville-Marie. We see him in this photo beside Julius Grey, a Montreal lawyer renowned for representing a diverse range of legal causes in large part linked to "reasonable accommodation" of a religious nature.56

Are we to deduce that the NDP, like Québec Solidaire, is a party which defends and promotes "open secularism," which consists in supporting religious causes other than Catholic? It is very strange that ex-commissioner Taylor could have been portrayed as an impartial person to act as commissioner, when the NDP party for which he has already run and which he still supports today, is far from promoting "open secularism" for all. . .

Which also leaves substantial room for doubt as to the political preferences of Charles Taylor… who, all in all, never had the impartiality necessary to chair such a commission on "reasonable accommodation".

Finally, it is quite ominous that both leaders of the Bouchard-Taylor commission are so closely involved with the anti-nationalist far-left and with political parties like Québec solidaire and the NDP which promote "open secularism". Can we really count on them to settle the debate on national identity, secularism and reasonable accommodation? The answer is no.


The CÉGEPS were created in 1967 with the passage of Bill 60 in the Quebec National Assembly.

It was also a time of rapid expansion of the Quebec university and college network. The social studies faculties were quick to embrace a vulgarized version of French university Marxism from the 1960s, recycled through countless professors recruited in Europe or via mass-hiring of Quebecers fresh from the mould of their studies in France. This is how an entire generation of young Quebecers was initiated to "Marxism", to "communism" and to "anarchism" through "philosophy" courses dispensed in our collegiate and university institutions.57, 58

It is also interesting to note that the former Centrale des Enseignants du Quebec (CEQ), (i.e., Quebec Teachers Union), the principal union of teachers of that era which had participated in the famous "Conference of the Left"59 with the C.S.N. (i.e., Gérald Larose), the F.T.Q. (i.e., the NDPQ), the NDP, the Parti Québécois, and the Communist Party of Québec. As one example of the influence of the far-left in the school system, there was a recent workshop on an introduction to libertarian communism at the Cégep in Alma, Québec with the permission of school management.60, 61 " We never cease to forge ahead. . ."

Quebec universities have not been spared. We can cite one example, the case of David Bellemare, President of the Student and Employees Union of UQAC and Research Assistant for the Canada Chair on Democracy and Sovereignty at the University of Québec at Chicoutimi.62


Considering the political origins of Gilles Duceppe, we are entitled to wonder if the fall of the Bloc was not entirely orchestrated by the Bloc itself with a view to extending the influence of the far-left over English Canada by delivering the keys to political power to the NDP, of which his own father was a founding member. A kind of return to one's sources?

The doubts grow considering the intention to form a coalition with Jack Layton's NDP, a man whom Gilles Duceppe ironically called a "dangerous socialist".63 When one looks at the facts, as Dawson College Professor of History Frédéric Bastien said: "we can better understand the extent to which the Bloc itself sawed off the branch it was seated on".64 Perhaps it's even easier to saw it off by pre-arrangement?

And this, without even taking into account the involvement of the various players, near and far, linked into the sovereignty and independence movements.

In light of all the facts, it becomes hard to think that the far-left and its worthy representatives have been unable to exploit the sovereignist movements at every level of the political classes, by infiltration.

Today we have the sad evidence. . .



Or click here to download the PDF'd Footnotes in a ZIP file (25MB unpacked).


1 - Canada Votes 2008, Leaders, Gilles Duceppe, elegant separatist
(Original url:

2 CBC News - Canada Votes 2006, Leaders, Gilles Duceppe, Bloc Québécois
(Original url: tes2006/leadersparties/leaders/bio_duceppe.html)

Jean Duceppe - Wikipédia
(Original url:

4 Le Jeune Militant, Radio-Canada Nouvelles 2007-05-10 (Original url: 07/05/10/005-bio_duceppe_militant.shtml)

5 Robert Burns (homme politique québécois) Wikipédia (Original url:

6 Le Jeune Militant, Radio-Canada Nouvelles 2007-05-10 (Original url: 07/05/10/005-bio_duceppe_militant.shtml)

7 Gilles Duceppe : L'homme qui détestait l'improvisation,, Le Soleil, Raymond Giroux, 2011-04-01 (Original url:
Original url:

8 Gilles Duceppe, un homme blessé, L'ex-chef du Bloc envoie un message au PQ: sous-estimer la défaite serait une erreur, Guillaume Bourgault-Côté (Le Devoir 14 mai 2011) (Original url:

9 Colloque de la gauche québécoise par Claire Sasylva (COMBAT, 25 septembre 1981, p. 4) (Original url:

Positions du PCQ sur les prochaines élections fédérales (2 mai 2011) par Gabriel Proulx, co-porte parole du PCQ (Original url: )

Le 14 mai dernier (2011): une soirée réellement motivante par Gabriel Proulx, co-porte parole du PCQ (Original url:

12 Positions du PCQ sur les prochaines élections fédérales (2 mai 2011) par Gabriel Proulx, co-porte parole du PCQ (Original url: l_application=articles&lang=fr)

13 Fonds d’archives Philippe Vaillancourt ( 127P ) Service des archives et de gestion des documents, Université du Québec à Montréal (Original url:

14 Partis membres de plein droit, Internationale socialiste, XXIII Congrès de l’Internationale Socialiste, Athènes, Solidarité mondiale : Le courage de faire la différence, 30 juin-02 juillet 2008 (Original url:

15 Résultats sans précédent pour les Nouveaux Démocrates Canadiens ( 06 mai 2011) Internationale Socialiste (Original url:

16 Nouveau Parti démocratique du Québec, Wikipédia, L'encyclopédie libre (Original url:

17 Nouveau Parti démocratique du Québec, Wikipédia, L'encyclopédie libre (Original url:

18 La Presse, 2 juillet 1963 (citée dans R. Denis, 1979) : Roch Denis, Luttes de classes et question nationale au Québec, 1948-1968, Presses socialistes internationales, Montréal, Études et documentation internationales, Paris, 1979, ISBN 2-89136-000-1, à la page 269, 2ième Référence.

19 L'Union des forces progressistes (UFP), Wikipédia, L'encyclopédie libre (Original url:

20 The NDP's missing constitution, by Leslie MacKinnon (CBC News, April 27, 2011 6:00 PM)
(Original url:

21 Terence Corcoran: Jack Layton’s hidden agenda (NDP’s hidden constitution opposes profits, backs ‘social ownership’) Apr 29, 2011 – 8:28 PM ET | Last Updated: Apr 29, 2011 8:35 PM ET (Original url: den-agenda/)

22 Terence Corcoran: Jack Layton’s hidden agenda (NDP’s hidden constitution opposes profits, backs ‘social ownership’) Apr 29, 2011 – 8:28 PM ET | Last Updated: Apr 29, 2011 8:35 PM ET (Original url: den-agenda/)

23 «L'inamovible WAC Bennett», Radio-Canada archives. «Aux élections du 27 août 1969, William Andrew Cecil Bennett, surnommé WAC Bennett... chef du Crédit social traite ses principaux adversaires, les néo-démocrates, de marxistes-leninistes.» (Original url:

24 «Charles Taylor analyse la défaite du NPD.» Radio-Canada. Date de diffusion : 12 décembre 1975. Le politologue Charles Taylor commente le résultat des élections de 1975 en Colombie-Britannique. (Original url:

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